It was not going to be easy selling this deal. The strikers quickly ran throughout the plant to chase out non-union workers. For an informative and fun ‘this day in peace/justice/labor history’ type list, sign up for the Peace Button folks’ newsletter. The company survived a bitter labor strike in 1933, during which disgruntled union employees, armed with clubs, physically removed Jay Hormel from the company's general offices and shut off the plant's refrigeration system. "CD" only produces arrests, it does not produce any power for the workers. The roving pickets had less success at the other Hormel plants. When Hormel began production in January, it would have been possible to break into the plant and carry out a sit-down strike. Supporters of the new independent estimate that there are between 12,000 and 30,000 meatpackers in 30 locals across the midwest who may be willing to leave the UFCW for an independent union. What had been signed by the UFCW was not what had been sold to the local's members. Originally focusing on the packaging and selling of ham, Spam, sausage and other pork, chicken, beef and lamb products to consumers; by the 1980s, Hormel began offering a wider range of packaged and refrigerated foods. This eventuality had never really been confronted or planned for by local leaders. The successful Hormel strike helped initiate a new wave of labor militancy, as the vast unemployment created by the Great Depression continued to put downward pressure on wages across the country, and new employment programs such as the Civil Works Administration, created by first year President Franklin Roosevelt, had only just begun. The Hormel workers' strike was a significant battle in American labor union history. In decline through the 1920s, the labor movement found strength through direct action and solidarity with other workers, both unionized and unorganized. When the state outlaws the most effective forms of worker action, such as sit-down strikes and refusing to handle scab goods, the union heads simply go along with this because they try to avoid any action that may put their organization at risk or threaten to disrupt their long-standing relationships with management and government leaders. Instead there were hundreds of union men and women blocking the gates and the scabs did not pass that day or the next. . In 1933 the meatpackers at the Hormel plant launched the plant's first labor strike. In other words, the union apparatus must be preserved, even against the workers themselves. But Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party Governor Perpich hadd removed the National Guard in February only after hundreds of supporters from other unions had been mobilized to support the strikers in Austin. The national standard was necessary to prevent wages from being undercut by competition from low-wage producers. Several hundred strikers amassed at the main gate, chanting, hurling insults at the cops. The nation watched the Hormel strike on the evening news and read about it in newspapers while union leaders across the world watched, … In 1933, there was a strike that formed the Packinghouse Workers 9 local union in Austin, Minnesota. The tactic works; Hormel agrees to submit wage demands to binding arbitration. Hormel Foods Corporation is an American company founded in 1891 in Austin, Minnesota, by George A. Hormel as George A. Hormel & Company. A sit-down strike would have been the most effective way to shut down production and force Hormel to take the strikers' concerns seriously. At best this could only work to bring a particularly nasty employer up to currently prevailing level of exploitation and arrogance among employers. But the company claims it can run the plant with only 1,050 people. So move out!”, – (Larry Engelmann, “We Were the Poor — The Hormel Strike of 1933,” Labor History, Fall, 1974.). People in Minnesota have made a living through a variety of ways, including subsistence farming, hunting and gathering, trade, and managing businesses. Some believed that Hormel could not bring in a large number of scabs into such a small community (population 22,000). The official disapproval sent a chill wind through the leftwing cheerleaders who had been hailing P-9 and the corporate campaign. First Bank was descended upon with pickets at branches in three states and protesters at their shareholders meeting. Instead of backing the fired shop stewards, the UFCW has lately been organizing elections of new shop stewards among the Ottumwa workers who weren't fire. As long as the company still recognized the UFCW and kept wages in the $8 per hour range, nobody at the International really cared. 483-510. pt. A plant occupation may be illegal, but it is also illegal to block streets with cars. Workers striking at Hormel Packing Plant, Austin, 1933, via Minnesota Historical Society On November 8, members of the Independent Union of All Workers (IUAW), formed that July, presented Hormel with five demands. But when workers' efforts to mount an effective fight against employer power and to control their own struggle come into conflict with the top-down hierarchies in the unions, as at Hormel, the need and opportunity for new organization is clearly demonstrated. Everywhere in that crowded auditorium you could feel it, that we all need something, something diffferent, something new from the labor movement, and maybe this is where it will start. The Watsonville cannery strike is one of these struggles, the Hormel strike is another. PO Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618, USA Rogers' strategy towards the strike has been to push non-violent "civil disobedience," rather like Martin Luther King in the civil rights movement or the anti-nuclear protesters who sit down in front of nuclear plants with the intention of getting arrested. Having broken through the protective circle of vehicles, the cops moved in to arrest picketers. In Labor History, vol. This article focuses on the circumstances and activism of commercial farmers and people working for wages. As one commentator has described it: The new plant experienced a 120% increase in worker injuries. Until the 1980s, the union maintained a strong workforce and [had] a strong hand in the company. Some of the new technology had inadequate safety features -- like automatic back saws with no safety guards. When Hormel management imposed a … The Packinghouse Division of the UFCW was the inheritor of the traditions of the CIO United Packinghouse Workers Union (UPWA) and the AFL Amalgamated Meatcutters Union. 1933: Workers at the Hormel plant, upset a new insurance program that would cost them 20 cents per week ($3.88 adjusted for inflation), organize into a union and demand recognition from corporate. Rogers told them again and again that they had the power and he would help them use it. A. Hormel and Company's Austin, Minnesota, flagship plant. Only 1,750 workers were employed in the new plant when it opened in 1982 -- less than half as many as worked in the old plant. Published 9:57 pm Saturday, August 14, 2010. On April 14th and 15th the UFCW International held hearings on its proposal to place local P-9 in trusteeship. In the International's eyes, "solidarity" means obedience to their orders, even if those orders ban actual solidarity. After the rally people filed out, pushing their way past legions of Trotskyists selling newspapers, pamphlets, and discussion bulletins. See also Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Move ment in the United States: The Industrial Workers of the World, 1905–1917 (New York: International Publishers, 1965), pp. Local P-9 of the United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW), made up of workers at Hormel's main plant at Austin, Minnesota, has attempted to break out of isolation in several ways: a "Corporate Campaign" that tried to bring consumer pressure against Hormel's main bank, a consumer boycott of Hormel meat products, and by roving pickets sent to other Hormel plants. The labor struggle in the meatpacking industry has faced some of the most brutal, dangerous, racist and unsanitary conditions in American industry. Meanwhile, the Twin Cities dailies describe P-9 as "rigid" and "inflexible.". People were not happy. 4, pp. Montross's hatchet job, prepared by leftists at the International's headquarters, tried to portray the UFCW as the defender of "progressive" unionism while P-9 was denounced for "isolation, individualism, and division." That this could even be considered a matter of serious debate was a disgrace. Industrial Workers of the World Enter your email address to subscribe to the Rooster & receive notifications of new posts by email. But instead of asking retail clerks to refuse to handle Hormel products, the International demanded unconditional surrender by P-9. Support in the community is fairly strong. After announcing in March that it was ending sanction for P-9's strike the UFCW International sent a letter to P-9 members cutting off strike benefits for strikers who refuse to go back to work on Hormel's terms. The plan was to get individuals, and unions and other institutions, to withdraw their funds and bombard First Bank with demands that the wage cuts at Hormel be rescinded. Workers at the plant had organized themselves under the banner of the Independent Union of All Workers (IUAW), a newly formed union inspired by Frank Ellis and the Independent Workers of the World (IWW) – the Wobblies. Knowing that help from the UFCW would be non-existent, Guyette called a New York public relations firm to ask for help in getting the local's message across. To develop an effective challenge to the employing class and unionism self-managed by the rank and file, it is going to be necessary to develop new organization. The strikers would be holding the $100 million plant hostage. Union workers physically remove Jay Hormel from the company’s general offices and shut down the refrigeration system, causing the meat to spoil. The strikers, members of United Food and Commercial Workers’ Local P-9, cited a wage freeze, dangerous working conditions, and a wage cut as the reasons for the strike, which continued for thirteen months. The differential in pay between what P-9 wanted and what Hormel offered had been steadily narrowed by arbitrators' rulings before the strike and mediators proposals after the strike began. Over 1,500 had been employed there before the strike. JJonahJackalope (talk) 06:23, 9 October 2020 (UTC) Discontented workers in the hog kill department got together with with an experienced Wobbly (IWW) organizer, named Frank Ellis, who was working as a foreman in another department. Twenty-five years ago today, workers at the Hormel meatpacking plant in Austin, Minn. went on strike, bringing the struggles of the national labor movement home to southern Minnesota. Rogers argued that if the strikers didn't practice non-violence, the National Guard would be brought back in. Peter Rachleff is a Professor of History at Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minnesota. Nonetheless, they're still making money and hundreds of P-9 defectors and new hires continue to labor in the Austin plant on the company's terms. Others thought Rogers would launch a new corporate campaign targeting fast food restaurants or other major customers of Hormel. The history of the Hormel struggle demonstrates once again how the present top-down union Internationals are bound to be in conflict with the rank and file who want control over their own movement and militant solidarity against the employers. tel: (773) 728-0996 Lewie Anderson, UFCW vice-president and head of the Packinghouse Division, had negotiated the agreement that was falsely presented to P-9 as protection against wage cuts. P-9 strike member | Star Tribune. "We Were the Poor People" -- The Hormel Strike of 1933, by Larry D. Engelmann. Representative from P-9, in Austin, MN, give a history of the Hormel strike. The UFCW's trusteeship was upheld by federal District Court judge Edward Devitt on June 2nd and the UFCW then changed the locks on the union's offices, seized all files and funds, and ousted the elected leadership. In their union meetings and rallies, in their travels to other unions around the country, the message of the Austin meatpackers is that it's time to re-orient the labor movement, it's time for a real fight against employer arrogance. They have often had to fight against the union hierarchy as well as the employer. The strikers had the advantage of numbers. The local union president, Mel Maas, stood at the plant gates, along with representatives from the UFCW International, telling workers this was not a sanctioned picket and that they should go to work. The success of this strike re-invigorates the labor movement, which had been in decline through the 1920s.” Members elected leaders to negotiate with employers and see th… This time he conceded that it was going to be difficult to sell wage cuts to the Austin workers given the profitability of the company. The proposed contract was defeated by a small majority in both ballots. Fortunately for the workers, the Minnesota governor’s office was at that time occupied by a friend of the working man, Floyd B. Olson, a member of the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party. Chronicles the six-month strike at Hormel in Austin, Minnesota, in 1985-86. His ownership stake in the company made him one of the wealthiest Americans during his lifetime. Speaker after speaker from National Rank and File Against Concessions pledged undying support for a fight to the end. The immediate response to the wage reduction was a call for strike action -- against the contract, the company and anybody else who was trying to gut their wages. $80,000 worth of barbed wire was purchased and a marketing agreement signed with FDL Foods in Iowa. The plant normally employs 800 workers. Shortly afterwards in Bal Harbor, Florida, the AFL-CIO Executive Committee refused to hear an appeal by Rogers and Guyette for an AFL-CIO endorsed boycott of Hormel products. Workers from all industries were there, carrying signs, union banners and the American flag. Hormel was not motivated by financial losses since it was -- and remains -- highly profitable. In 1985-1987, he served as chairperson of the Twin Cities Local P-9 Support Committee, and in 1993 South End Press published his book on the strike, Hard-Pressed in the Heartland: The Hormel Strike and the Future of the Labor Movement. In January 1986 Hormel reopened the plant with strikebreakers, leading P-9 to widen its efforts to secure support from other workers. The UFCW only held union meetings every four months and the location of the meetings was 40 miles from the plant. The International failed to provide documents and witnesses by local P-9, which denounced the proceedings as a "sham" and a "farce.". Nor are we saying that workers should abandon the struggle within the AFL-CIO-type unions against top-down bureaucratic control and against sell-outs. The International leaders are attempting to set up a "dual union" of the bureaucrats, to replace the real union of P-9 strikers, and negotiate a new constract with Hormel over the heads of the workers. But many of those in this amorphous "public" are landlords, small store owners, politicians, and others whose class interests are not the same as meatpacking workers. Rogers preaches non-violence because he thinks the heart of the struggle is winning support for the Hormel strikers in the eyes of "public opinion." Prior to the strike at Hormel, workers in the hog-slaughtering plant were distraught over a wage and benefit freeze and dangerous working conditions. He came to Austin and sold Guyette -- and then the membership -- on a campaign to restore to P-9 what Hormel and the UFCW had taken away. Rogers is not a wealthy man but he is a businessman and his business is providing local unions with an alternative to going on strike. Though Minnesota’s Farmer-Labor Party governor at the time, Floyd Olson, denounced the strikers’ “illegal possession of the plant,” the company threw in the towel after four days of worker occupation of the plant. With a plant full of meat sitting unprocessed, the ownership agreed to arbitration led by Olson himself, resulting in a substantial increase in wages and union recognition. The plant seemed to be designed with little thought for the people who be working there. All Rights Reserved. Hormel retaliated by firing 478 workers who refused to cross the picket lines. What is needed is a new form of organization in which the rank and file directly manage the struggle and the local organizations are linked together in horizontal, worker-to-worker solidarity. On National Public Radio Lewie Anderson said that the problem now at Hormel was that the workers made too much money and this would make the company unprofitable and lead to loss of jobs. He can be reached at rachleff@macalester.edu. 1982–1984: Hormel opens the new plant and decides to terminate the 1933 agreement. A timeline of the Hormel strike. Region 13 director Joe Hansen made it clear in his announcement that this was the best deal P-9 woudl get and that the UFCW would conduct a mail ballot. General Headquarters Website - tech [at] iww.org, This site is a static archive. His pledge was exposed as a dishonest stalling tactic. Hormel waited until after the trusteeship was upheld in court on June 2nd to agree to being negotiations. The pro-strike community is a minority in Austin but they were there in force -- from infants to old men. 1, edited by Eric Arnesen (p. 641-642). Most unionized supermarket clerks belong to the UFCW. Among those who did care, support was growing as the contract expiration drew near. Meanwhile, local P-40 in Wisconsin and local P-6 in Albert Lea, Minnesota, are refusing to pay their per capita dues to the International until the trusteeship is removed fromm local P-9. "Strikes are obsolete," he told them. Hormel Workers Won a Historic Victory – November 13, 1933, Encyclopedia of U.S. Labor and Working-Class History, ← Corporate America Wants the Trans-Pacific Partnership for Christmas This Year, Obama’s Climate Change Envoy To Developing Nations: We’re Not Paying for Destroying Your Property, and You Can’t Make Us →, Everett Ketchum: Flint Sit-Down Striker | How The Wolf Survives. Everyone wants to believe it. With a large part of the workforce locked out, there was little production at the Ottumwa plant. P-9 listened, and believed, and did not strike. Twenty-five years ago today, workers at the Hormel meatpacking plant in Austin, Minn. went on strike, bringing the struggles of the national labor movement home to southern Minnesota. The 1982 master contract for the Hormel plants had contained a clause that permitted re-opening the contract in 1984, before the contract's expiration in September 1985. Jay Hormel was called a tyrant during a 1933 labor strike, which ended with a 52-week pay schedule. This has not stopped the UFCW from trying to seize the support group funds, however, which indicates how determined the UFCW is to crush P-9's rebellion. The employers' concessions drive soon became an epidemic. "What you have to do is to take your power to the doorsteps of power." They put him in touch with Ray Rogers and Corporate Campaign, Inc. Ray Rogers is a man with a mission and that mission is to reshape the labor movement, for a price. The model for American unions came together in the late 1850s. Sitdown strikes were soon adopted elsewhere, though they were often not as successful. On January 25th the Hormel plant at Ottumwa, Iowa was shut down by a march of hundreds of pickets to the gates. Workers' first concern may be their on-the-job situation but the International union heads do not share those conditions and their first concern is the survival of the union as a bureaucratic institution. But in the current climate of employer aggression, Hormel is just following the present trend, justified among business leaders as a "battle to become more competitive." Local P-9 had originally considered sending out pickets to other plants in October. The new factory-made processing more efficient; however, the new plant experienced a 120% increase in worker injuries. By Steve Boyce, Jake Edwards and Tom Wetzel - published in Ideas & Action #7, Summer, 1986, When the airline unions and the AFL-CIO let the air controllers go down to defeat, the message to the employing class was, "You can do what you want; we won't organize a fighting solidarity.". While receiving strike pay of $40 from the International and $25 from Region 13, money was running low in Austin and striking families were facing a grim Christmas. The mayor of the town told the rally, "You've got the right not to cross that picket line." If transport workers and retail clerks refused to handle Hormel products, that would be a more effective form of boycott. Petaluma City Council Leaves the Fear and Loathing of the 2020 Campaign Trail Behind, Dear White People – Shopping in the Vicinity of People of Color in Petaluma, About Those Recommendations from the Community Forum on Racism & Interactions with the Petaluma Police Department, Dear White People: A Dress to ImPress Conference – Come Experience Racial Profiling, 2 pm Friday December 18 @ Michael’s in Petaluma, Coup D’Etats May Be French, but the New Booboisie are Native to the USA, Dec. 16, 2005: NYT Publishes ‘Bush Lets U.S. Spy on Callers Without Courts’ – 14 Month Late. The rationale for the trusteeship was local P-9's refusal of the International's order to end the strike. Instead of work stands that could be adjusted to the worker's height, as in the old plant, the new plant had fixed work stations. The two parties reached a compromise within three days. The NPR reporter commented that he sounded very much like a company spokesman. Strike leaders appear to be planning to join forces this summer with like-minded unionists who will be in bargaining between Hormel and the international union on contracts that expire Sept. 1. On 19 August 1985 Local P-9 of the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) went on strike against Geo. 'A Real Threat' Kim Moody, publisher of … '' of P-9 as did Region 13 of the union hierarchy as well as years..., 1984, no effort was made to stop them effective form of boycott to job in those days Hormel... In peace/justice/labor history ’ type list, sign up for the people who be working there pledged to approve roving! 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